Insiders vs. Voters: Michigan's Shadowy Path to Picking the Secretary of State
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A troubling tension in Michigan politics
By Kristine Christlieb, MFEI News & Commentary Editor (and former MI precinct delegate)
January 12, 2026
In a non-binding statement released on December 19, 2025, Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson sidestepped a direct ruling on whether the major parties' endorsement conventions violate the state's constitution — leaving open the possibility of lawsuits upending how three of the most powerful administrative roles in state government are filled.
The statement, written in response to Republican consultant Dennis Lennox’s request for a formal ruling, affirmed that party "endorsement conventions" for Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State and Attorney General do not trigger certain campaign finance rules but stopped short of addressing broader claims of unequal voter access. "This is outside the scope of the Michigan Campaign Finance Act," Benson wrote, effectively punting the question to the courts or lawmakers.
In his request to Benson for a declaratory ruling from the Department of State, Lennox claimed:
The holding of such an endorsement convention would constitute an unlawful circumvention of, and is in direct contravention to, the mandatory nomination procedure set forth in Mich. Const. art. V, § 21 and MCL 168.72, which unequivocally require that nominations for these offices be made only at the duly convened post-primary state conventions of the respective major political parties.
The controversy underscores a troubling tension in Michigan politics: Should a handful of party precinct delegates — elected in low-turnout primaries and meeting in hotel ballrooms — decide who the candidates will be for a positions that oversee major sectors of state government? Or should everyday voters get a direct say through open primaries, as they do for governor and U.S. Senate races?
As Michigan grapples with this, the debate has crossed state lines, where an April 2025 opinion piece in The Tennessean argued: "Primary voters, not party caucuses, should decide who's on the ballot." Tennessee reformers pushed for laws to block insider-dominated caucuses for local offices, warning that such systems erode the very democracy they claim to protect.
Michiganders have mostly undervalued the office of Secretary of State. But this is the official who certifies elections, qualifies candidates for ballots (including keeping RFK, Jr on the ballot for President even after he withdrew from the race), and regulates corporations under the Uniform Commercial Code.
In a battleground state like Michigan where razor-thin margins decided the 2024 presidential race, this office's power is no abstraction — it's the firewall against fraud claims and the steward of voter access. Yet, unlike most statewide races, Michiganders don't vote directly on its nominees. Instead, the decision falls to a hybrid convention system that prioritizes party cohesion over public input.
The System: A Hybrid of Tradition and Tweak
Under Michigan Election Law (MCL 168.72), major parties nominate candidates for Secretary of State, Attorney General, and Lieutenant Governor at "fall state conventions" held in late August, shortly after the statewide primary election. These events are delegate-driven: About 5,000 to 6,000 precinct delegates — volunteers elected in August primaries — gather to vote, usually rubber stamping choices made earlier at so-called “endorsement” conventions.
The "hybrid" twist — holding early “endorsement” conventions — arrived gradually, starting with Democrats in 2010. These conventions were, and still are, optional. They were a strategy devised to build early consensus and fundraising momentum.
By 2018, in a wave of anti-Trump fervor, Michigan Democrats endorsed Jocelyn Benson for SOS and Dana Nessel for AG in April — months before the general election . . . and their strategy worked. Benson raised over $1 million by summer 2018.
Republicans followed suit in 2022, holding their first endorsement convention in Grand Rapids to counter Democratic gains and rally donors. Delegates, still outraged by the 2020 election, endorsed Kristina Karamo for Secretary of State.
In 2026, Democrats plan their endorsement convention for April 19 in Detroit; Republicans for March 28 in Novi.
At these spring gatherings, candidates must collect signatures from at least 15% of delegates during a frantic 24- to 48-hour window — often via in-person schmoozing at the venue. Overturning an endorsement in August requires a two-thirds supermajority for Democrats or 75% for Republicans — a bar so high, the nominations are effectively rubber stamped.
The Divide: Insiders' Efficiency vs. Voters' Exclusion
But endorsement convention critics such as Lennox argue the setup sidelines voters in an undemocratic way. He warns endorsement conventions could invite "dark money" influence or bribery of delegates, violating equal protection under the state constitution.
Benson's response to Lennox, while neutral, invites further scrutiny and potentially tees up a court test. For now, insiders hold the gavel.
